Indigenous peoples cannot “settle‑colonize” their own ancestral land. Israeli Arabs—≈ 21 % of citizens—vote, serve in the IDF and sit on the Supreme Court. Equal‑rights jurisprudence is anchored in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, making apartheid analogies factually and legally false.

Resolution 242 deliberately omits the word“all.”Its authors confirmed borders must be negotiated to be“secure & recognized.”Until a treaty is signed, the West Bank and Gaza are disputed, not automatically Palestinian.

Article 49(6) of the Fourth Geneva Convention bars forcible population transfer. Jews moving voluntarily into Judea & Samaria are not being deported, nor are Palestinians being removed. Final borders await negotiation.

A UN‑appointed Palmer Inquiry (2011) found the naval blockade lawful under the laws of armed conflict. Its purpose is to interdict weapons, not goods; land crossings admit thousands of aid trucks each month.

The International Court of Justice has not found Israel guilty of genocide. Israel targets combatants; Hamas embeds among civilians— itself a war crime—skewing casualty figures.

Preferential immigration for a diaspora mirrors Germany, Ireland, Finland and others. It does not diminish the equal citizenship of Israel’s two million non‑Jewish citizens.

Palestinian leadership rejected UN 181 (1947), the Clinton Parameters (2000), Olmert’s offer (2008) and the U.S. framework (2014)—each proposing 94‑100 % of the West Bank plus Gaza and swaps.

“Proportionality” weighs anticipated civilian harm against concrete military advantage—not casualty symmetry. Hamas fired 8,500 rockets in Oct 2023 alone; Israel is entitled to neutralize launch sites.

UN GA 194 is non‑binding. All serious peace frameworks offer compensation and resettlement in a Palestinian state, plus limited family reunification—consistent with post‑war precedents worldwide.

Israel initiated the 1979 Egypt treaty, 1994 Jordan treaty and 2005 Gaza withdrawal—often against Washington’s tactical advice but in line with Israel’s strategic calculus.

Resolution 2728 is Chapter VI—recommendation, not compulsion—and ties any“Ramadan ceasefire”to Hamas releasing all hostages. Hamas refused, nullifying the resolution’s premise.

A warrant is not a conviction. Israel, like the U.S., never joined the Rome Statute; ICC jurisdiction is disputed and unenforceable inside Israel. Equating a democracy’s defense with Hamas terror is moral inversion.

No. The ICJ issued provisional measures—temporary safeguards—while explicitly demanding Hamas free hostages. Guilt or innocence will not be decided for years.

France, the UK and Canada floated conditional recognition to pressure negotiations, not sever ties. Trade, intel and defense co‑operation remain robust, and unilateral recognition contradicts the Oslo framework.

Protests are noisy but not decisive. Courts increasingly side with Jewish students, and universities face civil‑rights penalties for tolerating antisemitic harassment.

Israel’s July 2025 strikes were deterrent, not invasion prep. Both sides know a wider war would devastate Lebanon; measured escalation keeps Hezbollah in check without triggering all‑out conflict.

Israel has opened new crossings, ports and daily airdrops; Hamas diverts fuel and food. Supreme Court‑mandated corridors show Israel’s intent to avert famine, while Hamas creates shortages for propaganda.

Only one shipment of 2,000‑lb bombs was paused; other munitions continue. On 31 July 2025 the U.S. Senate reaffirmed a US $675 million sale, underscoring the strategic alliance.

Israel’s own Supreme Court struck down the core “reasonableness” law, 8‑7. A judiciary willing to nullify a Basic Law—even during war—shows democracy’s self‑correction is alive and well.